The name is traditionally analysed as a tripartite compound of kor or koro ("butterbur plant"), pok ("under, below"), and kur or kuru ("person") and interpreted to mean "people below the leaves of the butterbur plant" in the Ainu language.
The Ainu believe that the koro-pok-guru were the people who lived in the Ainu's land before the Ainu themselves lived there. They were short of stature, agile, and skilled at fishing. They lived in pits with roofs made from butterbur leaves.
Interesting that the butterbur has rhubarb-like leaves (if flame-red colored, it would be significant linguistically), and roots treat migraines.
In Malay/Indonesian, guru is teacher (from Hindi), but gua is cave/hole, (Chinese cave: gua), while gula (sweet sap/sugar), getah (latex sap) are tapped from holes in trees. In Malay, tree is pokok. It is possible the dwarfs were proto-Malay negritos that had spread along coasts from Ryukyu.
Pygmies in African Congo roof their dome huts with mongongo leaf shingles, those in Andamans used ailanthus leaves, those in No. Australia used banana leaves.
Bambuti Congo pygmies call their dome huts mongolu, Innuit call theirs igloo/igdlu.
Indian bowlboat: harigolu, Indian hut: bungalo, English column/(d)well/wheel/curve
Note that pygmy huts had only a low doorway, european male explorers had to bellycrawl to enter, I think igloos were like that, in order to keep warmth in, with only a qidlic [kindle-wick/light] bowl of seal oil to cook with.
The Chinese called Japan land of the brown dwarfs, that name may have preceded both Ainu and Yayoi migrants.
bow bracers (and arm splints) were also made of birch bark
From Human migrations yahoo group:
'Notes of the Kurils Islands by Captain Snow
1897', John Milne wrote:
"The Koro-pok-guru [gh: "dwellers in holes" - pit house dwellers] kept to the
same style of dwelling they used in the far north, even when they pushed their
way into a much milder climate.
The Ainu, following their old custom, still
built their style of house [gh: made of grass or reeds lashed upon a framework
of wood] when they got into the more rigorous climate of Yezo and the Kurils,
notwithstanding it is suitable only for a warm or mild climate."
I just came across a reference to an increase in bird remains at 6,700 BP on
Mink Island - "Ocean Bay" culture:
"Although Ocean Bay occupations in the
Lower Midden span 7500 to 4100 cal B.P., bird remains
were only recovered from levels dated between
6700 and 4100 cal B.P.
Later archaeological finds in the Aleutians belong to the Aleutian tradition
(McCartney, 1984). The bifacial flake technology is radically different from the
earlier Anangula materials
slate ulu blades ? [DD: slate/flint/flay/fletch/split/separate fur/felt from skin/pelt]
Aleutian mummy: "The wrappings were removed sequentially. The outer five were
> animal skins, probably seal or sea otter. The innermost layer was an
> eiderdown parka composed of numerous bird skins sewn together,
> with the feathers on the inside, and a yellow fur collar with black spots"
Furthermore, a caribou skin is of a suitably large size, and its surface
of a fairly uniform quality. Accordingly, large coat parts, stretching from the
hood to the coat tails, can be cut from a single caribou skin.
Mon Khmer & Hmong Mien: related to monsoon/mongolu/monday/moon/manu-anu/mene/Burmen?
The Ainu and the Ryukyuan are tightly clustered with 100% bootstrap probability followed by the Mainland Japanese in the phylogenetic trees of East Eurasian populations.
Origin of Sumerians: (cf Suomea)
The Sumerians initial migration presumably
began with a persistent drought in their original (Turkmen) homeland, that eventually
forced them to abandon their home migrate and resettle in the southern fertile
lands of the Middle East between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers and eventually
further south near the banks of Nile River in north east Africa.
Results reveal that 92% of Chamorros belong to haplogroup E, also found in ISEA
but rare in Oceania. The two most numerous E lineages were identical to lineages
currently found in Indonesia, while the remaining E lineages differed by only
one or two mutations and all were unique to the Marianas. Seven percent of the
lineages belonged to a single Chamorro-specific lineage within haplogroup B4,
common to ISEA as well as Micronesia and Polynesia.
These patterns suggest a small founding population had reached and settled the
Marianas from ISEA by 4,000 ybp, and developed unique mutations in isolation. A
second migration from ISEA may have arrived around 1,000 ybp, introducing the
latte pillars, rice agriculture and the homogeneous minority B4 lineage."
The best example
is the presence of composite bows in the left (wisdom) hands of wrathful deities
in Buddhist mandalas. This exact iconographic convention in Navajo
sandpaintings pegs their origin to the introduction of the sinew-backed bow
during the middle CE (the weapon arrived in the SW around 1200-1300 CE). On the
Asian side, the spread of Buddhist iconographic conventions out of India from
south to north is well documented (with some syncretic borrowings from Chinese
geomancy) -- there is no credible claim to the antiquity of these highly
formalized traditions in Tibet prior to the seventh century. The really
elaborate traditions are traditionally ascribed to the Second Diffusion of
Buddhism which was later still.
"The parallels between complex ceremonialism in the Old and New Worlds (Apachean
and Tibetan) cannot possibly be paleo in origin -- their shared iconographic
conventions and ritual scripts are much too close to represent millennia of
divergence, and are clearly rooted in historical timeframes."
But cultural connections around the globe are full of such direct parallels.
E.g., Hornbostel noted how similar windpipe instruments are in Oceania and
Amazonia and these days ethnologists have even invented the term "Melazonia" as
an emblem of a nexus of striking similarities in music and ritual between the
two areas. Those are not of Bronze Age. Those are old. And going back to my
example from mythology: North American-West African parallels are very specific.
Or another example: the kind of creature that dives for the earth in the Earth
Diver myth is identical between Muskogean versions and Munda versions, and
these are unique links not shared by Siberian and North American versions of the
You make some good points -- I too regard Algic-Athapaskan fusion as the prime
suspect for numerous shared molecular markers (shared descent is much less
likely for a number of reasons). I am pretty sure that the Pacific Coast
Athapaskan migration was a shared Algic-Athapaskan move from the Plateau in the
last 800 years, and for all intents and purposes, there are no major cultural
differences between Hupa and Yurok for example, and no way to distinguish them
archaeologically in CA/OR.
Likewise, I see the Southern cordillera/Plateau boundary as being a key area in
early dispersals of Athapaskans, with the closest northern group to Apacheans
being found in the Sekani and their Sarcee offshoots (all of whom have fish
aversion, in contradistinction to more northerly groups). But this area cannot
be the Proto-Athapaskan homeland because there are a number of ways Plateau
Athapaskans are atypical, particularly in their funerary practices. Alaskan
Dene and Apacheans are equally averse to corpses, while the Carrier are
diametrically opposite, indicating the influence of Plateau crematory customs
upon local Dene
Mapping Mongolia" (edited by Sabloff, 2011,
and on pp. 130-131 it says:
"Mongolian Bronze Age Chandman and Mongol Hunnu (Xiongnu) appeared similar to
modern Native Americans from the Great Lakes regions, as well as prehistoric
Archaic Period individuals from North America (Brace et al. 2001; Seguchi 2004).
Interestingly, the Mongolian Chandman sample was not closely related to the
roughly contemporaneous Chinese Bronze Age sample from Anyang."
--- In HumanMigrations@yahoogroups.com, "josephapw"
[...] Likewise, Proto-Athapaskan-Eyak "metal knife" (beesh/mesh/wesh) appears to
be a trans-Eursasian loan word, post-Bronze Age in origin, cognate with I-E
"metal". Present at the proto-language level, this word in and of itself is
striking. Both sinew backed bows and hot-forged copper daggers (with
double-spiraled pommels) gained wide distribution after the mid Common Era, and
do not extend much east of Na-Dene turf. Morphologically similar daggers (in
bronze and iron, not copper) are associated with SW Siberian putatively
Yeniseian archaeological cultures. [...]
Since the Gwich'in dagger is dated to "1850 or earlier", may I ask how you have
excluded it and the ones similar to it as being products of trade? I'm looking
at Colin F Taylor's 'Native American Weapons', p. 46, where a similar dagger
(spiral pommels, at least) is described as a "trade knife". What is your
perspective on this? Gisele